The discourse on women in conflict and post-conflict is wide-ranging, complex and has evolved considerably from simplistic notions of dichotomies such as war and peace, and perpetrator and victim, to recent explorations of the different realities faced by women and men and their multiple experiences of war and conflict as both victims and perpetrators.
The latest discourse also explores more concretely the impacts of conflict and post-conflict situations on women, girls, men and boys and suggests strategies for building more peaceful societies.
Images of civilians affected by recent conflicts are increasingly disseminated globally and challenge scholars, planners and policymakers to deal with their immediacy and complexity. Stories behind these images, as documented in this report, underline the central role gender plays in determining the personal experience of conflict and building strategies for peacebuilding and post-conflict transformation.
This bibliography identifies several critical studies that have shaped the debate about the links between gender, conflict, post-conflict situations, security and human development. Included are studies on themes such as gender-based violence, particularly sexual violence and conflict, the reproductive health impact of conflict, women and decision-making in post-conflict contexts, and links between gender and natural disasters are presented.
The bibliography concludes with a listing of resources for those interested in-depth information about specific themes.
Feminist researchers contributed to the understanding of the dynamics of war and conflict by describing the critical role that patriarchy plays in shaping the discourse and strategies of war. Enloe (1990), Cockburn (1998, 1999) and others documented extensively the use of “essentialist constructions” of femininity and masculinity in war discourse. An assertion that emerged from this research is that there is a clear link between masculinity, militarization and aggression on the one hand and the collapsing of femininity with peace on the other. A vast body of literature focused on women as passive victims or agents of peace. Various authors sought to establish that women were natural peacemakers, given their roles as mothers, their essential empathy with others and their strong community ties (Alonso, 1993; Carpenter, 2005; Cohn, Kinsella and others, 2004; Franceshet, 2004; Galtung, 1996; Gilligan, 1982; Goldstein, 2003; Ruddick, 1989 and 2004). In this literature, gender is often conflated with women, who are assumed to be “different” from men. The literature also argues that because women are the “oppressed,” peace is their exclusive responsibility and moral duty (Aroussi, 2009). Women in other words are peacebuilding resources, and their involvement in the peace, security and development agenda is an issue of equality (Anderlini, 2007; Porter, 2007). More importantly the argument is made that women involved in peace negotiations would assert different priorities focusing on social and economic rights, social justice and human security (Anderlineri, 2007; Bell and O’Rourke, 2007; Chinkin, 2004; Gierczy, 2001; Porter, 2007).
Several feminist scholars have suggested a problem on several levels with the framing of women as victims and peace agents: First is the fact that women may be involved in conflict in roles such as combatants, informants and spies; second, it posits femininity as taking precedence over a political identity and imposes a common agenda for all women (Shepherd, 2008). And third, the discourse again assigns value to the gender dichotomy of masculine/feminine and war/peace. This dichotomy has the potential to legitimize the exclusion of women from formal peace processes and is therefore antithetical to equality (Aroussi, 2009; Charlesworth, 2008). The construction fails to challenge the patriarchal world of politics and, as in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, excludes women in the long run from the political process (Helms, 2003).
Others argue that the lack of recognition of multiple experiences of women and girls in conflict neglects issues of rights of women combatants or of women working in post-conflict rebuilding. New research documents that women were involved in conflict actively, whether coerced or voluntarily, in Algeria, Eritrea, Guatemala, Liberia, Nepal, Nicaragua, the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Sri Lanka and Uganda (Moser and Clark, 2001; Potter, 2004; Parashar, 2009). While women and girls were engaged in conflicts as combatants or support workers, abductees or wives and dependants, (McKay and Mazurana, 2004; Rehn and Johnson-Sirleaf, 2002), when peace accords are signed and disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) policies are implemented, women and girls often lose out, partly because most DDR policies follow a “one-person, one-weapon” rule to identify those eligible for assistance (Bouta and Frerks, 2002). In situations of group disarmament, female combatants have to rely on superior officers to list them. It is often the case that women become invisible with the resurgence of traditional norms and the stigma associated with killings, sexual violence, illegitimate children and so on; they in fact “spontaneously reintegrate” (McKay and Mazurana, 2004).
Equally, there is growing recognition of the multiple experiences of men as non-combatants in conflict and of having been abducted, sexually violated, massacred or displaced (Carpenter, 2006; Dolan, 2002; GTZ, 2009; Sivakumaran, 2007). Men as well as women have been victims of conflict, and the experience of victimization has serious repercussions for post-conflict reconstruction.
Sexual violence, including rape and/or sexual slavery, is the most well-documented impact of conflict on women and men (Bastick and others, 2007; Farr, 2009; Human Rights Watch, various; Johnson and others, 2008; Seifert, 1994; Seifert, 1996; Sharlach, 2000; Stiglmayer, 1994). The documentation of rape, particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Rwanda, led to the recognition of rape as a weapon of war and as a crime against humanity. There is an increasing international recognition of sexual violence in conflict as a crime, and some have noted an increasing trend over time and across conflicts (Green, 2006; Ward and Marsh, 2007). There is a growing interest in why sexual violence is such a pervasive feature of conflict. The widely held view is that women’s bodies are the site of hostility between different men, and rape of women is essentially about the emasculation of the perceived weaker group of men (Seifert, 1994; Zarkov, 2001). Rape has also been viewed as a top-down strategy of ethnic cleansing. In recent analysis, there is a counter argument that rape is essentially not a top-down strategy but, rather, is more spontaneous. Cohen (2008 and 2009) asserts that rape in fact functions as a form of bonding/blackmail in civilian conflicts dependent on very young, and often abducted, combatants. This was found to be a similar dynamic in cases of group rape in Cambodia (Duvvury and Knoess, 2005). Equally there is growing awareness that rape does not abate after the cessation of hostilities—in fact the threat shifts from military personnel to individuals who may be neighbours, relatives or even burglars (El-Bushra, 2008; Congo Advocacy Coalition, 2008). El-Bushra makes a strong argument that understanding why rape occurs in conflict and post-conflict settings needs to develop a conceptual frame that explores the underlying power relations through gender analysis.
Another important impact of conflict is HIV infection. Some argue that conflict results in a higher risk for HIV, particularly in the context of widespread rape and abduction or coercion of girls to become “bush wives” (El-Bushra, 2008; Farr, 2009; Mills and others, 2006). Two studies in Rwanda found that 17 per cent of women who were survivors of genocide and 67 per cent of rape survivors were HIV positive (McGinn, 2000). There is also some evidence to indicate that communities affected by long-standing conflict (such as Sierra Leone) have a lower prevalence of HIV than surrounding communities because of relative isolation and limited mobility (Anema and others, 2008; Spiegel, 2004; Spiegel and others, 2007). What is beyond dispute is that sexual violence is a risk factor for HIV, and the needs of survivors of such violence must be addressed. A difficulty in conflict and post-conflict contexts, and equally in post-natural disaster contexts, is that there is a significant delay in treatment after the violence has occurred—up to two years in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Steiner and others, 2009), with limited access to health facilities, disrupted/destroyed health infrastructure, and limited access to resources (Carballo and others, 2005; Liebling-Kalifani and others, 2008; World Health Organization, 2004).
Conflict, post-conflict and natural disasters all have severe negative impacts on reproductive health. Women suffer gynaecological problems, unwanted pregnancies, maternal mortality, obstetric fistula and pre-term babies (McGinn, 2009; Reproductive Health Matters, 2008). Many of these reproductive health consequences are exacerbated by conditions in camps for displaced persons, whether as a result of conflict or natural disaster (Carballo and others, 2005; O’Heir, 2004). Plumper and Neumayer (2003) suggest that there is an impact of gender gap on life expectancy, which is often reversed in conflict and post-conflict settings, indicating that the direct and indirect effects are more severe for women than men. An important dimension is child mortality and its implications for population policies (Carballo and others, 2005). Equally critical is the impact of the experiences of conflict on mental health. Johnson and others (2008) document the strong association among combatant status, experience of sexual violence and health and mental health outcomes including symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder, depression and suicide ideation (similar results reported for Afghanistan and Kosovo—see Cardozo and others, 2004).
Another important theme in the literature on gender-based violence and conflict is the mutual interaction between the two. A number of researchers have suggested that states with higher gender equality, lower family violence, less acceptance of gender-based violence and more services for survivors are on the whole less likely to resort to violent resolution of inter-State and intra-State differences (Caprioli and Boyer, 2001; Erchak, 1994; Cockburn, 2001; Hudson and others, 2009). Others point to growing evidence of a vicious cycle that conflict breeds gender-based violence, particularly intimate-partner violence, early marriages, gang rapes and honour killings, with men attempting to reassert control in post-conflict contexts (Pillay, 2002; Greenberg and Zuckerman, 2009; Hudson and others, 2009; Hyder and others, 2007; Strickland and Duvvury, 2003).
A large body of literature is developing on ways to rebuild societies after conflict. Some themes emerging from the literature are the links between gender, national security, human security, and development; whether policies and programmes are moving beyond peacebuilding to state building; the extent to which the spaces opened up for women during conflict are sustained; whether gender norms, roles and responsibilities have been upturned; and the essential components to moving towards transformation.
In terms of gender, national security, and human security, several authors argue that while national security and human security are not oppositional, there is a dynamic tension between the two (Porter, 2008; Mack, 2005; Kerr, 2007). Human security is important in that it focuses on the individual and communities rather than on the security of nations (Kaldor, 2007). Human security is also concerned with development, as it involves addressing structures of power to enable women and men and communities to actively participate in the rebuilding of states.
Another debated dimension within the literature is the extent to which new roles and opportunities have opened for women. Studies have documented that during conflict, space opens for women to take on roles previously dominated by, or considered the sole domain of, men (Beecham and Popovic, 2009; Lindsey, 2001; Meintjes, 2001; Pankhurst, 2008a and 2008b). In post-conflict settings, there can often be backlash as men try to reassert “traditional” roles as they reclaim their position within the private and public spheres (Jennings, undated; Porter, 2007).
Critical to women’s participation in the post-conflict reconstruction has been the attention given to ensuring women’s representation in peace negotiations and participation in political decision-making (Beecham and Popovic, 2009). Women’s role in peace negotiations has evolved over time, particularly in civil society diplomacy and grassroots activism, though they still are largely left out of formal peace negotiations (Porter, 2008). Women’s involvement has had impact in terms of inclusion of gender-focused components in peace negotiations as well as increasing the pressure for national plans of action with clear indicators on participation of women in peace processes, prevention, protection and prosecution of gender and sexual violence and promotion of women’s rights (Beecham and Popovic, 2009). Several studies point to the passing of new laws in Rwanda, Afghanistan, Guatemala, Nepal and Burundi as a consequence of women’s involvement in peace negotiations (Chinkin, 2003; Nakaya, 2003). However, there is little research actually establishing the impact of expanded participation in peace processes in the medium or long term. A study by Nakaya (2003) points to a worrying trend that women’s participation in political processes declined in early 2000, after peace accords were signed in Guatemala and Somalia in the late 1990s. In contrast, in Burundi and Nepal, there has been a significant increase in women’s representation in political bodies immediately after the accords. But this has not translated into a significant independent role, as women continue to be subordinated to a patriarchal political system, requiring a fundamental institutional and cultural change to develop women’s capability and agency (Falch, 2010). Women’s civil society organizations can be an effective arena for women’s political engagement, but there are also issues of tension between women elected leaders and women’s groups, overdependence of groups on external funding, and the lack of long-term commitment on the part of international donors (Falch, 2010).
The resource issue is critical. An analysis of World Bank funding in 2004 found that 4.67 per cent of a total $67 million dollars in funding went to 10 projects focused on women in post-conflict reconstruction. Another critical finding is that funding for women’s organizations dropped sharply, in Kosovo, for example, once the urgency of reconstruction had passed (Greenberg and Zuckerman, 2009; Quiñones, 2004).
Another issue that has been highlighted is that much of the attention and funding goes to women-focused programmes while not enough goes to programmes that are gender aware or transformative. Raising the profile of women is critical (an important message of Security Council resolution 1325), but there has to be equal importance given to strategies and interventions to address structural impediments, the most critical being gender relations and the constructions of masculinities and femininities (Strickland and Duvvury, 2003). A transformative agenda can build on healing the trauma of conflict experienced by women and men, girls and boys; rebuilding social capital to strengthen bonds of trust and enhance local conflict resolution; and integrating gender equality and conflict resolution into development programmes in education, health, income generation and community development (Greenberg and Zuckerman, 2009). Additional resources are available at www.unfpa.org.
Adnan A. and others. 2007. “Intimate Partner Violence among Afghan Women Living in Refugee Camps in Pakistan.” Social Science & Medicine 64(2007): 1536–1547.
Alonso, H. 1993. Peace as a Women’s Issue: A History of the US Movement for World Peace and Women’s Rights. New York: Syracuse University Press.
Anderlini, N. S. 2007. Women Building Peace, What They Do, Why It Matters. London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc.
Anema, A. and others. 2008. “Widespread Rape Does not Directly Appear to Increase the Overall HIV Prevalence in Conflict-affected Countries: So Now What?” Emerging Themes in Epidemiology 5:11.
Aroussi, S. 2009. “Women, Peace, and Security: Moving Beyond Feminist Pacifism.” Paper presented at Panel on Destabilising Gender in Conflict, Peacemaking and Care. Political Studies Association Annual Conference.
Bastick, M. and others. 2007. Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict: Global Overview and Implications for the Security Sector. Geneva: Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces.
Beecham, G. and N. Popovic. 2009. “Putting Policy into Practice: Monitoring the Implementation of UN Security Council Resolutions on Women, Peace and Security.” Background paper for International Conference on Indicators for Monitoring 1325 and 1880. Oslo, 11–13 November.
Bell, C. and C. O’Rourke. 2007. “Does Feminism Need a Theory of Transitional Justice? An Introductory Essay.” International Journal of Transitional Justice 1: 23–44.
Bouta, T. and G. Frerks. 2002. Women’s Roles in Conflict Prevention, Conflict Resolution and Post-Conflict Reconstruction: Literature Review and Institutional Analysis. The Hague: Netherlands Institute of International Relations.
Caprioli, M. and M.A. Boyer. 2001. “Gender, Violence, and International Crisis.” The Journal of Conflict Resolution 45(4): 503–518.
Carballo, M. and others. 2005. “Impact of the Tsunami on Reproductive Health.” Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine 98(9): 400–403.
Cardozo, B.L. and others. 2004. “Mental Health, Social Functioning and Disability in Postwar Afghanistan.” Journal of the American Medical Association 292(5): 575–584.
Carpenter, C. 2006. “Recognizing Gender-Based Violence Against Civilian Men and Boys in Conflict Situations.” Security Dialogue 37(1).
Carpenter, C. 2005. “Women, Children and Other Vulnerable Groups: Gender, Strategic Frames and the Protection of Civilians as a Transnational Issue.” International Studies Quarterly 49(2): 295–344.
Charlesworth, H. 2008. “Are Women Peaceful? Reflections on the Role of Women in Peace-building.” Feminist Legal Studies 16: 347–361.
Chinkin, C. 2004. Peace Processes, Post-Conflict Security and Women’s Human Rights: The International Context Considered. Ninth Torkel Opsahl Memorial Lecture. Belfast: Democratic Dialogue.
Chinkin, C. 2003. “Peace Agreements as a Means for Promoting Gender Equality and Ensuring Participation of Women.” Paper prepared for the United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women, Expert Group Meeting. Ottawa, 10–13 November.
Chynoweth, S.K. 2008. “The Need for Priority Reproductive Health Services for Displaced Iraqi Women and Girls.” Reproductive Health Matters 16(31): 93–102.
Clark, C.J. and others. 2010. “Association Between Exposure to Political Violence and Intimate-Partner Violence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory: A Cross-sectional Study.” Lancet 375: 310–16.
Cockburn, C. 2001. “The Gendered Dynamic of Armed Conflict and Political Violence.” In C. Moser and F. Clark (eds.), Victims, Perpetrators or Actors: Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence. London: Zed Books, pp. 12–29.
Cockburn, C. 1999. Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence. Background paper for Conference on Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence. Washington, D.C., World Bank, 10–11 June.
Cockburn, C. 1998. The Space Between Us: Negotiating Gender and National Identities in Conflict. London: Zed Books, Ltd.
Cohen, D. 2009. “The Role of Female Combatants in Armed Groups: Women and Wartime Rape in Sierra Leone (1991–2002).” Paper presented at 50th Annual Convention, International Studies Association. New York, 15–18 February.
Cohen, D. 2008. “Explaining Sexual Violence During Civil War: Evidence from Sierra Leone (1991–2002).” Paper presented at Seminar on Gender-Based Violence in Intrastate Conflict, Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, Harvard University. Cambridge, 19–20 September.
Cohn, C. and others. 2004. “Women, Peace and Security.” International Feminist Journal of Politics 6(1): 130–140.
Congo Advocacy Coalition. 2008. “Update on Protection of Civilians in Eastern Congo’s Peace Process.” Available at http://hrw.org/english/docs/2008/07/28/congo19717.htm.
Del Zotto, A. and A. Jones. 2002. Male-on-Male Sexual Violence in Wartime: Human Rights’ Last Taboo? Paper presented to the annual convention of the International Studies Association, New Orleans, 23–27 March. Available at http://adamjones.freeservers.com/malerape.htm.
Dolan, C. 2002. “Collapsing masculinities and weak states — a case study of northern Uganda.” In Cleaver (ed.), Masculinities Matter! Men, Gender and Development. London: Zed Press.
Duvvury, N. and J. Knoess. 2005. Gender Based Violence and HIV/AIDS in Cambodia: Links, Opportunities and Potential Responses. Washington, D.C.: International Center for Research on Women and GTZ.
El-Bushra, J. 2008. How Should We Understand Sexual Violence and HIV/AIDS in Post-Conflict Contexts? ASCI Research Report, No. 17. New York: AIDS, Security and Conflict Initiative.
El Jack, A. 2003. Gender and Armed Conflict: Overview Report. Brighton: University of Sussex, Institute of Development Studies.
Enloe, C. 1990. Bananas, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense Out of International Politics. California: University of California Press.
Erchak, G. 1994. “Family Violence.” In C. R. Ember and M. Ember (eds.), Research Frontiers in Anthropology. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall.
Falch, A. 2010. Women’s Participation and Influence in Post-conflict Burundi and Nepal. PRIO Working Paper. Oslo: PRIO.
Farr, K. 2009. “Extreme War Rape in Today´s Civil War-Torn States: A Contextual and Comparative Analysis.” Gender Issues 26: 1–41.
Franceshet, S. 2004. “Explaining Social Movement Outcomes, Collective Action Frames and Strategic Choices in First and Second Wave of Feminism in Chile.” Comparative Political Studies, 37(5): 499–530.
Galtung, J. 1996. Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace, Conflict Development and Civilisation. London: Sage.
Gierycz, D. 2001. “Women, Peace and the United Nations: Beyond Beijing.” In Skjelbaek, I. and D. Smith (eds.), Gender, Peace and Conflict. London: Sage, pp. 14–31.
Gilligan, C. 1982. In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Goldstein, J.S. 2003. War and Gender: How Gender Shapes the War System and Vice Versa. Second edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Green, J.L. 2006. “Collective Rape: A Cross-National Study of the Incidence and Perpetrators of Mass Political Sexual Violence, 1980–2003.” Dissertation, Ohio State University. Available at http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?acc_num=osu1153496251.
Greenberg, M. and E. Zuckerman. 2009. “The Gender Dimensions of Post-Conflict Reconstruction: The Challenge to Development Aid.” In Addison, T. and T. Bruck (eds.), Making Peace Work: The Challenges of Social and Economic Reconstruction. London: Palgrave MacMillan.
GTZ. 2009. Masculinity and Civil Wars in Africa—New Approaches to Overcoming Sexual Violence in War. Eschborn: Deutsche Gessellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit.
Harvard Humanitarian Initiative and Oxfam International. 2010. “Now the World Is Without Me: An Investigation of Sexual Violence in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.” Oxford: Oxfam. Available at http://www.oxfam.org.uk/resources/policy/conflict_disasters/sexual-violence-drc.html.
Helms, E. 2003. “Women as Agents of Ethnic Reconciliation? Women, NGOs and International Intervention in Post War Bosnia-Herzegovina.” Women’s Studies International Forum 26(1): 5–33.
Holmes, R. and others. 2009. “Gender Vulnerabilities, Food Price Shocks and Social Protection Responses.” Background Note. Overseas Development Institute. London, August 2009.
Hudson, V. and others. 2009. “The Heart of the Matter: The Security of Women and the Security of States.” International Security 33(3): 7–45.
Human Rights Watch. 2004. “In War as in Peace: Sexual Violence and Women’s Status.” In World Report 2004: Human Rights and Armed Conflict. New York: Human Rights Watch. Available at http://hrw.org/wr2k4/.
Human Rights Watch. 2003. We’ll Kill You If You Cry: Sexual Violence in the Sierra Leone Conflict. New York: Human Rights Watch. Available at http://hrw.org/reports/2003/sierraleone/.
Human Rights Watch. 2000. “Sierra Leone Rebels Forcefully Recruit Child Soldiers.”Available at http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2000/05/31/sierra-leone-rebels-forcefully-recruit-child-soldiers?print.
Human Rights Watch. 1996. Shattered Lives: Sexual Violence During the Rwandan Genocide and Its Aftermath. New York: Human Rights Watch.
Hyder, A. and others. 2007. “Intimate Partner Violence among Afghan Women Living in Refugee Camps in Pakistan.” Social Science & Medicine 64(7): 1536–1547.
Jennings, K.M. Undated. Gender and Post-Conflict Statebuilding. Working paper, Program on States and Security, Ralph Bunche Center for International Studies, City University of New York.
Johnson, K. and others. 2008. “Association of Combatant Status and Sexual Violence with Health and Mental Health Outcomes in Post-conflict Liberia.” Journal of the American Medical Association 300(6): 676–690.
Kaldor, M. 2007. Human Security: Reflections on Globalization and Intervention. Cambridge: Polity Press.
Kerr, P. 2007. “Human Security.” In A. Collins (ed.), Contemporary Security Studies. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 91–108.
Leaning, J. and T. Gingerich. 2005. The Use of Rape as a Weapon of War in the Conflict in Darfur, Sudan. Program on Humanitarian Crises and Human Rights. Cambridge: Harvard School of Public Health.
Liebling-Kalifani, H. and others. 2008. “Violence against Women in Northern Uganda: The Neglected Health Consequences of War.” Journal of International Women’s Studies 9(3).
Lindsey, C. 2001. Women Facing War: ICRC Study on the Impact of Armed Conflict on Women. Geneva: International Committee of the Red Cross.
Mack, A. 2005. Human Security Report 2005: War and Peace in the 21st Century. New York: Oxford University Press.
Mazurana, D. 2005. Women in Armed Opposition Groups in Africa and the Promotion of International Humanitarian Law. Geneva: Geneva Call.
McGinn, T. 2009. “Barriers to Reproductive Health and Access to Other Medical Services in Situations of Conflict and Migration.” In S. Martin and J.Forbes (eds.), Women, Migration, and Conflict: Breaking a Deadly Cycle. Dordrecht: Springer.
McGinn, T. 2000. “Reproductive Health of War-Affected Populations: What Do We Know?” International Family Planning Perspectives 26(4): 174–180.
McKay, S. and D. Mazurana. 2004. Where Are the Girls? Girls in Fighting Forces in Northern Uganda, Sierra Leone, and Mozambique: Their Lives During and After War. Montreal: International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development.
Meintjes, S. 2001. “War and Post-War Shifts in Gender Relations.” In S. Meintjes and others (eds.), The Aftermath: Women in Post-Conflict Transformation. London: Zed Books.
Mills, E.J. and others. 2006. “The Impact of Conflict on HIV/AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa.” International Journal of STD and AIDS 17(11): 713–7.
Moser, C. and F. Clark. 2001. Victims, Perpetrators or Actors: Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence. London: Zed Books.
Nakaya, S. 2003. “Women and Gender Equality in Peace Processes: From Women at the Negotiating Table to Post-Conflict Structural Reforms in Guatemala and Somalia.” Global Governance 9: 459–476.
O’Heir, J. 2004. “Pregnancy and Childbirth Care Following Conflict and Displacement: Care for Refugee Women in Low-resource Settings.” Journal of Midwifery and Women’s Health 49(4): 14–18.
Pankhurst, D. 2008a. “Gendered Peace.” In Pugh, N. and others (eds.), Critical Perspectives on the Political Economy of Peacebuilding. Basingstoke: Palgrave.
Pankhurst, D. 2008b. “Post-War Backlash Violence against Women. What Can ‘Masculinity’ Explain?” In Pankhurst, D. (ed.), Gendered Peace: Women’s Struggles for Post-War Justice and Reconciliation. New York, London: Routledge.
Parashar, S. 2009. “Feminist International Relations and Women Militants: Case Studies from Sri Lanka and Kashmir.” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 22(2): 235–256.
Pillay, A. 2002. “Violence Against Women in the Aftermath.” In S. Meintjes and others (eds.), The Aftermath: Women in Post-Conflict Transformation. London: Zed Books.
Plumper, T. and E. Neumayer. 2003. “The Unequal Burden of War: The Effect of Armed Conflict on Gender Gap in Life Expectancy.” International Organisation 60(3): 723–754.
Porter, E. 2008. “Is Human Security a Feminist Peacebuilding Tool?” Paper presented at Feminist Security Studies Panel, 49th ISA Convention, San Francisco.
Porter, E. 2007. Peacebuilding: Women in International Perspective. London: Routledge.
Potter, M. 2004. Women, Civil Society and Peacebuilding: Paths to Peace through Empowerment of Women. Belfast: Training for Women Network.
Quiñones, A. 2004. Gender and Post-Conflict Reconstruction: The World Bank Track Record. Washington, D.C.: Heinrich Böll Foundation.
Rehn, E. and E. Johnson-Sirleaf. 2002. Women, War and Peace: The Independent Experts’ Assessment on the Impact of Armed Conflict on Women and Women’s Role in Peacebuilding. New York: UNIFEM.
Reproductive Health Matters. 2008. Reproductive Health Matters 16(31): 4-252.
Ruddick, S. 2004. “Maternal Thinking as a Feminist Standpoint.” In S. Harding (ed.), The Feminist Stand Point Theory Reader: Intellectual and Political Controversies. New York: Routledge, pp. 161–168.
Ruddick, S. 1989. Maternal Thinking: Towards a Politics of Peace. Boston: Beacon Press.
Seifert, R. 1996. “The Second Front: The Logic of Sexual Violence in Wars.” Women’s Studies International Forum 19(1/2): 35–43.
Seifert, R. 1994. “War and Rape: A Preliminary Analysis.” In A. Stiglmayer (ed.), Mass Rape: The War Against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, pp. 54–72.
Sharlach, L. 2000. “Rape as Genocide: Bangladesh, the Former Yugoslavia, and Rwanda.” New Political Science 22(1): 89–102.
Shepherd, L. J. 2008. Gender, Violence and Security. London: Zed Books.
Sivakumaran, S. 2007. “Sexual Violence Against Men in Armed Conflict.” European Journal of International Law 18: 253–276.
Spiegel, P. and others. 2007. “Prevalence of HIV Infection in Conflict-affected and Displaced People in Seven
Sub-Saharan African Countries: A Systematic Review.” The Lancet 369(9580): 2140.
Spiegel, P. 2004. “HIV/AIDS Among Conflict-affected and Displaced Populations: Dispelling Myths and Taking Action.” Disasters 28(2): 322–339.
Steiner, B. and others. 2009. “Sexual Violence in the Protracted Conflict of DRC: Programming for Rape Survivors in South Kivu.” Conflict and Health 3(3). Available at http://www.conflictandhealth.com/content/3/1/3.
Stiglmayer, A. (ed.). 1994. Mass Rape: The War Against Women in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Strickland, R. and N. Duvvury. 2003. Gender Equity and Peacebuilding, From Rhetoric to Reality: Finding the Way. Washington, D.C.: International Center for Research on Women.
Talviste, V. 2009. Displaced Adolescent Girls’ Protection: Could Casuistry Be a Methodology for Humanitarians? Oxford: Oxford University Department of International Development.
Ward, J. and M. Marsh. 2006. Sexual Violence Against Women and Girls in War and Its Aftermath: Realities, Responses and Required Resources. Briefing paper prepared for UNFPA Symposium on Sexual Violence During Conflict and Beyond, 21–23 June.
Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children. 2007. Iraqi Refugee Women and Youth in Jordan: Reproductive Health Findings: A Snap Shot from the Field. New York: Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children.
World Health Organization. 2004. Country Profile Bosnia and Herzegovina. Geneva: World Health Organization.
Zarkov, D. 2001. “The Body of the Other Man: Sexual Violence and the Construction of Masculinity, Sexuality and Ethnicity in the Croatian Media.” In Moser, C. and F. Clark (eds.), Victims, Perpetrators or Actors: Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence. London and New York, Zed Books.