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The Migration Experience: Seizing Opportunities, Overcoming Obstacles
The experiences of migrant women are as diverse as the backgrounds they come from and the
communities to which they move. While migration has many benefits, it does not come without
challenges.
Right from the start, discriminatory immigration policies can limit legal
migration channels. This relegates many women to the most vulnerable labour sectors or as
dependents of male migrants. In the worst cases, they may wind-up as trafficking victims.
Most women migrants come from countries where discrimination against females is deeply
embedded in the social and cultural fabric. This places many at a disadvantage which can
in turn result in inadequate access to information regarding work opportunities in
destination countries, costs, benefits and steps necessary to migrate legally and safely.(93) Soliciting the aid of another person or smuggler may place
a woman in considerable debt and danger.
During transit, female-and, in particular, unauthorized-migrants risk
sexual harassment and abuse. They may be coerced into providing sexual favours in exchange
for protection or permission to pass through frontiers.(94) For
example, researchers conducting a study of migrant women travelling alone through Central
America en route to Mexico found that males perceived them to be "ready for anything". Male
migrants often forced female migrants to have sex with border authorities in order to guarantee
safe passage for the entire group.(95) In 2005, Médecins Sans
Frontières reported that security officers and fellow migrants were sexually abusing sub-Saharan
African women and minors while they transited through Morocco to Spain. Women along the
Moroccan-Algerian border are also vulnerable-particularly to smugglers and traffickers intent
on sexually exploiting them. Unsafe abortions are not uncommon, and incidents of pregnant women
being deposited and abandoned at the Moroccan-Algerian border were also registered.(96) Anecdotal evidence suggests that as many as 50 per cent of
female migrants making the trip from West Africa to Europe via Morocco are either pregnant
or are travelling with small children. Many give birth unattended in the forest for fear of
being deported should they seek medical services.(97)
Upon arrival in the destination country, female migrants are doubly
disadvantaged-both as migrants and as women-and sometimes triply so, when race, class or
religion are factored in. Those suffering abuse and violence may have no idea of what their
rights are, and may fear repercussions if they contact the police or seek support services.
Women also have priority needs in the area of reproductive health and rights, but legal,
cultural or language barriers mean that many have difficulty accessing information and services.
BY DESIGN AND BY DEFAULT: DISCRIMINATORY POLICIES
Sending and receiving country policies affect who will migrate and how.
Sometimes discrimination is inadvertent, while in other situations, women may dominate in
certain migration streams such as nursing and domestic work, but specific needs and rights
may go ignored. Some policies result in the exclusion of female migrants altogether. Other
policies-often well meaning and aimed at increasing employment opportunities-nonetheless
ignore multiple work, family and community responsibilities. In the absence of childcare
and extended family networks, these can prevent women from partaking in skills training or
other educational opportunities open to migrants.(98)
A country's particular labour needs directly affect to what degree men and women are likely to
find work abroad and whether they can migrate legally. Traditionally, policies that invited
migrants on a temporary basis to fill gaps in specific sectors tended to favour male-dominated
occupations. Since the 19th century discovery of gold and diamonds in South Africa, for example,
male migrants have been in high demand. In South Africa, citizens of the 14 Southern African
Development Community (SADC) countries are most likely to find legal work within the mining
industry, where 99 per cent of employees are men. No equivalent employment sector that
facilitates entry for women exists.(99) By contrast, South African
commercial farmers prefer female workers from neighbouring countries, but because cross-border
migration is typically irregular, female labour migrants remain unprotected by existing laws.(100) While industrialization in Asia has required labourers for
construction, manufacturing and plantation work ("men's work"), women have been more likely to
fill the demand for domestic and childcare support.(101)
When destination countries prefer skilled candidates, implications for migrant women can cut
both ways. Women of low socio-economic and educational status can be at a serious disadvantage.
They are more likely to wind up toiling in informal, irregular and seasonal jobs, with fewer
possibilities to obtain work permits or citizenship entitlements.(102)
In France, for example, one study found that women constitute two-thirds of those refused
citizenship on the grounds of insufficient linguistic knowledge.(103)
Entry for skilled workers can also be based on criteria, such as proof of years of uninterrupted
work, language or of income and educational level.(104) These
unintentionally discriminate against women. On the other hand, the demand for skilled labour
can also open up opportunities for better-educated women to migrate, as was the case during the
1980s when Australia shifted from a preference for manual labourers to that of professionals.(105)
Governments sometimes restrict female migration in order to "protect" women.
Such bans on female migrants have been in place, for example, in Bangladesh, the Islamic Republic
of Iran, Nepal and Pakistan.(106) Bangladesh government data show that
less than 1 per cent of those emigrating between 1991 and 2003 were women. This was largely owing
to greater restrictions and bureaucratic hurdles that made it more difficult for women to emigrate.(107) These, needless to note, only increase the likelihood that women
will resort to irregular methods.(108) A case in point: According to the
Asian Development Bank, the Gulf States and South-East Asia are home to considerable numbers of
undocumented Bangladeshi women.(109) Government policies, however, have
recently begun to change. In 2005, Bangladesh lifted the ban(110) and, in
the same year, the Nepalese Supreme Court ended the requirement of parental or spousal consent for a
woman under the age of 35 to obtain a passport.(111)
Labour laws tend to exclude certain sectors of the economy in which women migrants
predominate-such as domestic work and the entertainment industry.(112)
This leaves many female migrant workers dependant on employers for legal status, basic needs such as
housing and food, and the payment of due wages, which employers may arbitrarily withhold in order to
ensure compliance. In addition, government efforts to curtail immigration and thus restrict it to
temporary, short-term contracts means that many women are unable to change employers.(113) This can trap them into abusive situations, outside the public view,
and, in many cases, beyond the purview of public policies.
Rights, terms of employment and working conditions vary according to the
labour laws and immigration policies in each receiving country. In many countries, for example,
the rights of domestic workers are neglected, and many spend years abroad before ever seeing
their families (see Box 8). Host country regulations often prohibit
low-skilled migrants from bringing family members with them. This is prompting calls for
family-friendly policies that will support female migrant workers. Italy and Spain are among the
very few countries that grant unskilled workers the possibility of family reunification-a
privilege usually reserved for "skilled" migrants. They are also among the few countries that
have actively furthered domestic worker rights, largely owing to the vigorous lobbying on the
part of women's organizations.(114)
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The mass movement of people has led to the emergence of a new
phenomenon: the transnational family. Transnational families are those whose members
belong to two households, two cultures and two economies simultaneously. These take
many forms and are marked by changing heads of household-including grandmothers and
youth who take charge of children while the parent(s) are away.(1)
When both parents leave, elderly women, aunts and other female
relatives are most likely to shoulder the burden of childcare.(2)
Alternatively, migrant parents will sometimes leave children in the destination country
while they shuttle back and forth. One illustration of this phenomenon is the East Asian
"astronauts", who maintain businesses in their origin country but leave their wives and
children in Canada.(3) Caribbean and Ghanaian populations in
Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States have adapted to challenging work and
living situations by mobilizing extended family networks to raise their children back
home.(4) In Cape Verde, a population whose diaspora outnumbers
residents, almost every family has members living abroad.(5)
Cape Verdean families may even be split between three and four different locations, with
women working in Italy or Portugal, their husbands in the Netherlands and children back
home with relatives.(6) With more than 8 million nationals
working and living abroad, transnational Filipino families are very common as well.(7)
When mothers migrate, the decision can be heart wrenching. For women,
separation is also fraught with feelings of guilt. For children, the loss of their mothers'
nurturing and affection, can take a huge emotional toll. Regardless, migrant women often have
little choice but to leave loved ones behind. While children often say they would prefer it
if fathers instead of mothers migrated, many express gratitude and are proud of their mothers'
sacrifices. Studies in Indonesia and the Philippines by and large found little evidence of
negative effects on children.(8) Children of migrant parents
displayed similar behaviours and values as children of non-migrant parents, and were not
found to be more disadvantaged, troubled or face greater psychological difficulties. A
nationwide study in the Philippines found that more children of migrants were on the school
honour roll and were less likely to repeat a grade than children of non-migrants.(9) Another study showed that children understood their mother's
decision to migrate was for economic reasons and their own well-being.(10)
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THE DEPENDENCY TRAP
Women who migrate under family reunification schemes usually enter as
dependents and may enjoy only limited access to employment, health care and other social services.(115) In countries that distinguish between the rights of mig¬rants
to work or to reside, women entering as dependents may only be able to work illegally.(116) Dependent status can also result in "brain waste". This occurs
when skilled female migrants remain unemployed or are able to find work only in occupations far
below their qualifications. Furthermore, if the marriage founders, or if the relationship is abusive,
migrant women may find themselves trapped by threats of deportation or the loss of custodial rights.
Children also suffer from the absence of material and emotional support when fathers abandon the
family or the marriage dissolves. Granting abused women mig¬rants independent legal status, such as
Sweden and the United States have done-rather than keeping it contingent on male relatives or
husbands-helps protect their rights and frees them from violence.(117)
WORK AND WAGES
The proportion of immigrant women who are in the labour force varies by
country, yet unemployment is generally higher for immigrant women.(118)
In many cases this is true in comparison to native men and women-as well as fellow male migrants.
For example, in 17 OECD countries (for which data are reported), unemployment rates for foreign
women are substantially higher than the rate for native women.(119)
Among immigrants from SADC countries living in South Africa, 38 per cent of female immigrants
were unemployed as compared to 33 per cent of female natives, 30 per cent of male natives and
23 per cent of male migrants.(120)
Where migrant women face high unemployment rates and discrimination, many
are forced to take whatever work is available.(121) This can contribute
to host population perceptions that migrant women are "unskilled", though many may actually be
better qualified than their work implies. In some cases, however, migrants may be offered the
opportunity to move up the pay scale: In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Filipina domestic
workers are increasingly being employed as drivers-a job with higher salaries and greater benefits.(122)
Relative to the status of women in their home countries, newcomers may earn
higher wages. Compared to women in the receiving country, however, they are likely to be far worse
off.(123) Lower earnings can lead to impoverishment and can negatively
impact families left behind owing to less remittance income. Data from the 2000 United States Census
Bureau shows that 18.3 per cent of the foreign-born women live in poverty, compared to 13.2 per cent
of the native-born women, and that 31 per cent of the female-headed migrant households are poor.(124) Low wages can also affect family reunification for female migrants
who are the sole sponsors of relatives. This is because many countries, such as Canada and the United
States, require proof of sponsorship based on income and economic self-sufficiency.(125)
Low wages can have dire implications for older migrant women-especially for
those who are underemployed, undocumented, widows or working in jobs without benefits. Pension
plans and other social programmes in receiving countries, such as Canada and the United States,
are based on long-term paycheque contributions. In addition, a lifetime of irregular labour
means many older migrants are without savings for retirement or health care.(126) In many European countries, pension entitlements are based on
years of work and residency. The increasing number of older migrants within the region is sparking
particular concern for the needs of elderly immigrant women. In the Netherlands, more than 90 per
cent of Moroccan women aged 55 years and above report never having worked. In Austria, immigrant
non-EU women have the lowest earnings in the country. Among those 60 years and older, 19 per cent
from the former Yugoslavia and 23 per cent from Turkey had no income of their own whatsoever.(127)
ETHNICITY AND RACISM: ADDITIONAL BARRIERS TO WORK AND WAGES
Ethnicity and class compound the problem of gender discrimination, stymie
advancement and result in lower wages.(128) For example, in the
United Kingdom (which has long relied on immigrants to fill health-care jobs) harassment is
widespread with black staff (mostly Caribbean women) largely concentrated in the lower grades.(129) In the UAE, a college-educated domestic worker from the
Philippines earns much more than her counterpart from India-regardless of the latter's skills.(130) One European study found that when fellow nationals undertake
domestic work-as opposed to foreigners-they tend to be treated as professionals.(131)
The United States provides one example of how domestic work is divided
along ethnic and racial lines. During the 1950s and 1960s, African-American women dominated
the occupation but by the end of the 1980s, their numbers had dropped dramatically throughout
the country. Around that same time, foreign-born Latin American women stepped in to fill the
breach-from 9 per cent to 68 per cent in Los Angeles alone.(132)
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A commonly held view that can serve to fuel anti-immigrant sentiment is that
migrants have higher fertility rates than non-migrants. But this very much depends on the migrant
community, host country context, the woman's socio-economic status, cultural fertility norms and
access to reproductive health services. Generally speaking, when immigrants (especially those
from developing countries) first arrive, they tend to have more children than natives but will
have fewer over time. This is because many migrants eventually adopt host country childbearing
norms, which results in fertility rates similar to that of the host population.(1)
Delayed marriage, separation from partners, economic pressures, the costs of
raising children, female autonomy, the evolution of values and norms, and pressures to gain legitimacy
through assimilation can all contribute to fertility declines.(2) A study
of 24 migrant groups undertaken in Australia over a 14-year period, showed that fertility rates in
all groups except two (Lebanese and Turks) nearly converged or declined to lower than that of the
host population.(3) The survey included migrant communities from Egypt,
Greece, Malta, New Zealand, Poland, South Africa, and Viet Nam-among many others. In Sweden, a study
of immigrants from 38 origin countries found that those who had been living in the country for at
least five years showed fertility levels similar to that of the native population.(4)
There are, however, variations-according to ethnic group, and a complex
interplay of socio-economic, cultural and political factors. In the United Kingdom, for
example, census data showed that all main ethnic minority groups had more children than t
he native population-especially among migrants originating from Bangladesh, India, and
Pakistan.(5)
Migrant women also tend to have fewer children than their counterparts in
countries of origin.(6) For example, although in Belize, Costa Rica,
the Dominican Republic and El Salvador, immigrant women tend to give birth to more children than
native women (in Costa Rica, immigrant fertility rates are 40 per cent higher),(7) their fertility rates are still lower than those of compatriots
living in their countries of origin. African immigrants in Spain have fertility levels slightly
higher than the native-born population, but far lower than those in their countries of origin.(8) In the United States, however, the reverse is true: Immigrant
women tend to have more children than women in their countries of origin. And while immigrant
fertility rates are also higher than natives', they do not affect overall fertility
rates.(9)
During preparations for migration and the first years of settling into a
new country, female immigrants may delay childbearing and focus more on securing work, but,
after a few years, decide to start a family. This is illustrated in the case of Ecuadorians
who migrate to Spain. In recent years, the country has received large numbers of young
South American immigrant women. In 1999, children born to Ecuadorian women accounted for
only 4.9 per cent of all foreign births but by 2004, they accounted for 19.5 per cent.(10)
Migrant fertility can also depend on age and educational level and
the migration stream to which immigrant women belong. Migration can cause spousal
separation, which may result in delayed childbearing. Once reunited, however,
childbearing rates increase.(11) In Australia, skilled
immigrant women have lower fertility than natives, whereas those entering as refugees
or for family reunification tend to have more children.(12)
Women who migrate at an early age may adapt faster to the childbearing norms of their
host society: In France, immigrant women who entered the country before the age of 13
had only slightly higher fertility than French women. But women who were 25 to 29 years
of age at the time of migration, showed notably higher fertility rates.(13)
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SEXUAL AND REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH
The health of any migrant is affected by gender, sociocultural and ethnic
background, type of occupation and legal status, as well as the degree to which he or she can
cover costs and access services, transportation and health insurance.(133) Prior exposure to relevant health education and services
will also affect a migrant's capacity to make informed health decisions.
If a migrant cannot speak the language, she or he is more likely to encounter
problems accessing health care. Low-paying and exploitative labour also has an impact, as does
the degree to which the migrant and his or her community are integrated into the mainstream
society. Discrimination and racism on the part of health-care providers only adds to cultural
and linguistic barriers.
Both the host country itself and immigrant women will benefit from improved
access to reproductive health information and services-including pregnancy-related services
and the prevention and treatment of HIV and other sexually transmitted infections. However,
migrant women often come from countries where poor health is a fact of life. Many possess
little information regarding health matters and tend to be poorer and less educated than their
native counterparts. Health status may be further compromised by the stress of adjusting to a
new country and/or violence and sexual exploitation.
Pregnancy-related problems among migrants have been a major problem
throughout the EU, where studies have found that migrants receive inadequate or no antenatal
care and exhibit higher rates of stillbirth and infant mortality.(134)
One United Kingdom study found that social exclusion and being non-white were among the main
predictors of severe maternal morbidity.(135) Other research in the
country reveals that babies born of Asian women had lower birth weights and that perinatal and
post-natal mortality rates were higher among Caribbean and Pakistani immigrants than in the
general population.(136) Hospital-based studies also show that
African women delivering in France and Germany had higher rates of pregnancy complications
and perinatal death than their native counterparts.(137) Turkish
immigrants in Germany also had higher rates of perinatal and neonatal mortality, and rates of
maternal mortality tended to be higher overall among immigrant women.(138) In Spain, premature births, low birth weight and delivery
complications are especially common among African and Central and South American migrants.(139)
Immigrant women often have a higher incidence of unplanned pregnancies
owing to poor access and a lack of information regarding contraceptives and how to obtain
them. Research in Latin America shows that migrant women report more unintended pregnancies,
have lower contraceptive use and generally utilize reproductive health services less often
than do non-immigrants.(140) Throughout Western Europe the story
is the same.(141) In Germany, researchers attribute low
contraceptive use to the fact that programmes are geared towards German speakers and that
immigrants often come from countries where family planning information is simply not available.(142) Socio-cultural pressures may also prevent migrant women from
accessing services for fear of being discovered by family members.
Higher abortion rates among immigrants reflect women's limited decision-making
power and lack of access to quality family planning services. In Spain, requests for abortions
tend to be twice as common among immigrant women-especially those from North and sub-Saharan
Africa.(143) In Norway, non-western women account for more than one
quarter of all abortion requests-although they represent only 15 per cent of the population.(144) In one Italian region, a study found that foreign-born women
were three times more likely to undergo an induced abortion than local women.(145)
CULTURALLY SENSITIVE CARE
Socio-cultural factors can influence migrant reproductive health status,
including pregnancy and childbirth outcomes and access to family planning services. Women
from more traditional backgrounds are often embarrassed when dealing with male medical
personnel-a problem when it comes to accessing reproductive and obstetric health-care services.(146) In Denmark, studies show that poor communication between
migrants and health-care providers, coupled with insufficient use of trained interpreters, is
a key cause of poor and delayed gynaecological care.(147) In Sweden,
one study found that young, single immigrant women with children were more likely to register
late (more than 15 weeks) at prenatal care centres. The study concluded that training staff in
trans-cultural skills and providing them with interpreters could result in improved care.(148) In São Paulo, doctors report that maternal and infant mortality
rates among Bolivian migrant women are far higher-the latter by 3 to 4 times-than among local
women. Migrants often decline caesarean section-a lifesaver in the event of obstructed labour-because
in some indigenous cultures it implies a loss of femininity that can prompt the husband to desert his
spouse.(149) In response, the Municipal Health Secretariat is working to
refine its programme, including providing outreach in the Quechua and Aymara languages.
Nonetheless, despite increased risks and obstacles to accessing health care,
exposure to new childbearing and female decision-making norms can be empowering. Indeed, in some
cases, female migrants gain access to reproductive health information and services for the very
first time (see Box 10).
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Many migrant women seize the opportunity to access family planning
services with a zeal that speaks to their relatively disadvantaged state in countries
of origin. In Belgium, for example (as with several other countries), immigrant women
have higher contraceptive use than women in source countries-with modern methods
replacing traditional. This is confirmed by one study that found that 79 and 71 per
cent, respectively, of 25- to 29-year-old married Turkish and Moroccan migrant women
used contraception compared to only 44 per cent and 35 per cent in their origin
countries.(1)
A survey of Malian women in Paris in 2001 found that their rate of
family planning use was almost as high as among French women at 70 per cent, and in
striking contrast to Mali, where it remained at only 6 per cent. Sixty per cent of
the women reported that they first learned about contraception in France. In addition,
approximately 60 per cent reported using contraceptives in spite of their husband's
opposition.(2)
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PROVIDING HOPE, EXTENDING CARE
More and more countries are working to improve the reproductive health of
migrant women. In a study conducted among Myanmar immigrants in two Thai provinces following
the 2004 tsunami, researchers discovered that one in four mothers delivered without a skilled
birth attendant; 55 per cent of all infants had not been immunized and only half of all married
women were using contraception. The survey also found that fully 50 per cent of all adults
interviewed lacked basic knowledge about HIV, despite the relatively high incidence (30 per cent)
of unmarried males who reported paying for sex without consistently using condoms. In response,
the NGO World Vision, with UNFPA support, recently expanded a programme serving immigrant
communities. To date, project personnel have established mobile health clinics, a health education
campaign and have hired Burmese-speaking medical staff.(150)
Over time, Australia, Canada and Sweden have also developed broad-based
policies that work to tackle cultural and linguistic barriers, not only through culturally
sensitive provider training and recruitment measures, but also by promoting the social and
political integration of immigrants and refugees. This approach is proving effective: In these
countries, studies have shown equal pregnancy outcomes for immigrant and native women.(151)
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The little border town of Tecún Uman in Guatemala, just across from Mexico,
draws many migrants. In "Little Tijuana", sex work, alcoholism, delinquency and drug trafficking
have proliferated as fast as its population of migrants-who have effectively doubled the
population to 32,000 inhabitants in the past decade. Almost half are under 24-years-old and come
primarily from Central and South America and Asia. Most are trying to make their way to the United
States or have just been deported from Mexico following another failed attempt
In 2002, research by the Ministry of Health and Social Services found an HIV
prevalence rate of 3.13 per cent among sex workers, most of whom were young women. Many initially
set out as migrants but become stranded with no way to earn money except through sex work. So
pervasive is the violence that young women are often forced to barter sex in exchange for
protection.
"I am very scared but the need to travel because of my child helps me.
Above all, my entire family needs a lot of help."
- Salvadoran 21-year-old woman on her first attempt
to cross the border.
"I don't have money, the little bit I brought with me, they stole, they
assaulted me and took it and my papers."
- Honduran 24-year old woman in her second attempt to
cross the border.
Worried that female migrants were increasingly vulnerable to the virus
and concerned about the need for preventive measures among the local population, UNFPA has
partnered with the NGO EDUCAVIDA and La Casa del Migrante, which is run by a Catholic Church
order, under an initiative funded by OPEC. La Casa del Migrante provides shelter for three
days while migrants await funds to continue their journey north. This provides outreach
workers with an opportunity to raise awareness about HIV/AIDS. Between August and December
2005, 32,597 migrants (2,484 of them sex workers) passed through La Casa's doors. Services
include educational sessions on HIV prevention, voluntary counselling and testing (VCT), condom
distribution, STI treatment and medical care-including for pregnant women. Prevention activities
are also reaching the local population with community leaders and local organizations now
spearheading the fight against HIV/AIDS.1
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FEMALE MIGRANTS AND HIV
Data on HIV infection rates among international migrants are scarce. The
alarming "feminization" of the pandemic, however, is well documented and speaks to what can
transpire when the rights of women are neglected en masse.
Physiological, social and cultural factors mean that women and girls face
particularly high risks of contracting HIV and other STIs throughout the migration process.
Undocumented migrant women who become stranded in transit countries en route to their intended
destination and are unable to work may be forced into "survival sex" in exchange for basic
commodities or food. This increases the likelihood of infection.(152)
Sexual violence makes them even more vulnerable. In one South African
study, female migrant farm workers from Mozambique and Zimbabwe were found to be particularly
susceptible to HIV infection owing to sexual violence. About 15 per cent of those surveyed
reported having been raped or knowing someone who had been raped or sexually harassed while
working on farms. Most were too fearful of losing their jobs to report violence. According
to interviewees, male Zimbabweans were the main perpetrators.(153)
The vulnerability of migrant women is borne out by some grim statistics.
According to UNAIDS, in France, 69 per cent of all HIV diagnoses attributed to heterosexual
contact during 2003 occurred among immigrants-65 per cent of whom were women.(154) In Costa Rica, one service organization found that 40 per
cent of the women treated for sexually transmitted infections were immigrants.(155) In Sri Lanka, the Government reported that, for every one
male migrant that tested positive in 2002, there were a corresponding seven females. Although
the causes behind this gross disparity have not been established, researchers suggest that
sexual abuse by employers and exploitation in so-called domestic worker "safe" houses could be
factors.(156) To minimize the risks of infection, the Government
(with support from UNAIDS and WHO) has established HIV/AIDS awareness pre-departure orientation
sessions aimed at migrant women.(157)
Seasonal and circular migration, whereby individuals leave their homes
and then return home, can also contribute to HIV transmission.(158)
One study undertaken in Senegal revealed that migrants have unprotected sex while abroad and then
infect their wives upon return. Women without adequate support from migrant husbands also turn to
sex work for survival while their spouses are abroad.(159)
When male migrants become infected with HIV, remittances often dry up-either
through job loss or because they have to spend more of their income on health care. According to
UNAIDS, women may resort to transactional sex or will migrate themselves in order to make up for
lower remittances and provide for family members.(160) A country with
one of the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world (33.5 per cent), Botswana is witnessing
decreased remittances from husbands with AIDS-related illnesses. This leaves women-usually
older-shouldering the care of orphaned children.(161)
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND HARMFUL PRACTICES
Gender-based violence is the ultimate manifestation of unequal relations
between men and women. Owing to their status as women and as foreigners (in addition to
race and ethnicity), migrant women face disproportionate risks of physical abuse and violence
at home, in the streets or in their places of work. So profound is the problem, that the UN
Secretary-General now issues reports exclusively focused on the topic.(162)
Gender-based violence is not only a violation of human rights, but also
threatens health, productivity and social and economic integration into the host society.
Some immigrants also come from cultures that maintain harmful practices such as female
genital mutilation/cutting, forced marriages and so-called "honour killings".
While there is a notable dearth of data on violence against migrant women,
smaller studies indicate a high incidence of abuses (see also Chapter 3).
In Mexico, a recent study revealed that 46 per cent of migrant women had suffered from some sort of
violence, with 23 per cent reporting that customs officials were the main perpetrators; federal
police followed next at 10 per cent; judiciary and municipal police at 10 per cent; and, finally,
the armed forces at 6 per cent.(163) According to the Sri Lanka Bureau
for Employment, in 2001, over 1,600 women reported harassment in their workplaces overseas.(164)
WHEN HOME IS WHERE THE HURT IS
Domestic violence knows no boundaries. It permeates every society, group and
income level worldwide: between 10 per cent of women in some countries, and 69 per cent in
others, are the victims of domestic abuse.(165) The strains of moving
to a new environment, unemployment, inadequate wages and racism can lead to frustration that finds
its outlet in the abuse of female partners.(166)
One survey found that 31 per cent of abused Latin American female immigrants
reported increased violence from their partners since moving to the United States and 9 per cent
reported that abuse began after migration.(167) Studies indicate that
domestic violence among immigrant groups is markedly higher than the estimated 22.1 per cent
lifetime rate in the general American population.(168) Rates of sexual
and physical abuse against immigrant women surveyed ranged from 30 to 50 per cent among Latin
American, South Asian and Korean groups.(169) A study of highly-educated
middle-class South Asian women living in Boston revealed that nearly 35 per cent had experienced
physical abuse and 19 per cent had experienced sexual abuse at the hands of their male partner.(170) And a New York City health report cited that 51 per cent of female
homicides by intimate partners occurred among foreign-born women, compared to 45 per cent among the
native population.(171) In Germany, a Government study found that 49
per cent of married Turkish women had experienced physical or sexual violence.(172)
Migrant women who come from societies where domestic abuse is largely accepted
as a "normal" aspect of gender relations are unlikely to seek help from police or access other
services-especially if they fear deportation or retribution from their abusers. According to
domestic violence data in Colombia, Nicaragua and Peru, migrant women are less likely to seek
assistance from the police and health facilities compared to their native counterparts. And
none of the women who reported abuse sought any medical attention whatsoever.(173) Similarly, a nationally representative survey in Canada found
that immigrant and "visible minority" women (68 per cent of them immigrants) who reported abuse
were less likely to seek services than the general population.(174)
Other factors, such as cultural, linguistic and social isolation, make it less likely that migrant
women will seek assistance even where social protection and legal redress exist. This is especially
the case when they are unaware of their rights. Research in the United States shows immigrant women
tend to stay in abusive relationships longer than native-born Americans and suffer graver physical
and emotional consequences as a result.(175)
Women with children who migrate as dependents of their husbands are often
unfairly forced to choose between their own personal safety and maintaining their legal status.
The United States has amended legislation allowing migrant women who have suffered domestic
violence to secure legal status irrespective of their partners.(176)
Sweden allows immigrant women who are victims of abuse by their Swedish partner to obtain a
permanent residence permit. In 2003, 99 per cent of the requests for residence permits received
from domestic violence victims were approved.(177)
Azerbaijan, Belize, El Salvador, Indonesia and Jamaica report that they are
training government officials, police officers, social workers, community leaders and other
professionals to address more effectively the issue of violence against women migrant workers.(178) NGOs in countries hosting large migrant populations have
also been working to meet the diverse needs of women who suffer from domestic abuse. One
example is the Vancouver-based organization, MOSAIC, which works with both men and women to
prevent abuses and to address the mental, physical and psychological needs of female victims.
The organization also offers small group sessions conducted in Hindi, Punjabi, Urdu and
English to Indian and Pakistani migrant men to help them to take responsibility for, and
end, their abusive behaviour.(179)
FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING
Approximately 2 million women and girls every year are at risk of
female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C)-a traditional practice that involves the partial,
or total, removal of external genitalia. The practice has spread through migration, outward
from 28 countries in Africa and others in Southern Asia and the Middle East to Europe, North
and South America, Australia and New Zealand.(180) In the United
Kingdom alone, researchers estimate that approximately 3,000 to 4,000 girls are "cut" each
year. An additional 86,000 first-generation immigrant women and girls have already undergone
the procedure.(181) According to the 2000 United States census,
881,300 African migrants come from countries where FGM/C is widely practiced. This does not
include refugees and asylum-seekers (totalling an estimated 50,000 in 2000), many of whom
came from Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia and Sudan, countries with some of the highest FGM/C
prevalence in the world.(182) Female genital mutilation/cutting
is a human rights issue that can cause short- and long-term physical and mental health
problems, including higher risks of delivery-related complications and infant mortality.(183)
Policymakers in countries receiving immigrants from FGM/C countries face
the challenge of establishing culturally sensitive approaches designed to halt the practice.
At least 11 industrialized countries have already passed legislation that prohibits FGM/C.(184) Many organizations, such as the British Medical Association
and the Danish Health System and Midwife Schools, are striving to ensure that health providers
are well equipped to care for women who have undergone the practice.(185)
Belgium, Germany and Sweden have also established medical guidelines.(186) NGOs are also working with immigrant women and their communities
to support the right to bodily integrity. The United States-based Sauti Yetu Center for African
Women is undertaking a comprehensive approach that includes cross-cultural training for service
providers and the establishment of a centre to document the practice in Western countries.(187)
DIS'HONOURABLE' CRIMES
Crimes committed in the name of "honour" and "passion" are socially sanctioned
practices that allow a man to kill, rape or otherwise abuse a female relative or partner for
suspected or actual "immoral" behaviour-i.e., behaviour socially defined as bringing "shame" to
the family or challenging male authority.
In 2000, in the first United Nations General Assembly resolutions specifically
dedicated to the issue, countries from around the world reiterated that crimes committed in the name
of honour and of passion are egregious human rights abuses and reaffirmed their commitment-as
embodied in international human rights instruments-to end them.(188) In
2003, the European Parliamentary Assembly adopted a resolution calling on all Member States to "amend
their national asylum and immigration laws to ensure that women have the right to residence permits
and/or asylum if threatened with so-called 'honour crimes'". It also calls on members to, among other
things, enforce "legislation more effectively to penalize all crimes committed in the name of honour".(189)
In the UK, police are re-examining past records of 117 murders to determine how
many were committed in the name of honour.(190) And Sweden maintains a
system that includes working through the education sector, government authorities, immigrant
orientation sessions and NGOs on issues around prevention and protection. County Administrative
Board reports found that at least 200 girls in each of three counties had contacted social services,
other authorities or NGOs to help them escape honour-related violence during 2001.(191)
* * *
Governments, parliamentarians, civil society organizations, the media and the
UN System are increasingly paying attention to the social, cultural, economic and political
implications of the international migration of women. An increasing body of data and
research-although still limited-is making it possible to grasp the magnitude and as yet
little-understood potential of migrant women to contribute to social and economic development
and gender equality. Migrant women face serious risks and obstacles that can have severe
repercussions and, in the most extreme cases, threaten their very survival. Yet the migration
experience need not be fraught with hazard when it has proven to be such a positive experience
for so many millions. Risks and challenges can be averted through stronger measures aimed at
empowering migrant women and protecting their human rights. Others are intrinsic to the migration
experience itself and relate to greater social and cultural understanding and to shifting norms
regarding male and female roles. But solutions can, and are, increasingly being sought within a
human rights and culturally sensitive framework. Though largely incipient, insufficient in scope
and reach, these efforts offer insights into how the migration process can be improved for the
benefit of women, their children, their families and the global community at large.
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Introduction
Chapter 2
