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Four out of ten reproductive health promoters in Nicaragua are men.
Photo: Cathy Becker
THE EMBEDDED CULTURE OF MACHISMO
by Alex Marshall
Matasana Diary
-- The mother had
carried her sick baby for two hours over steep, rutted
roads. Now she could only stand by as the doctor sounded
the child’s chest. Pneumonia, said the doctor at last.
There was nothing to be done, unless she could get the
baby into hospital straight away.
The health team
found space for mother and child in their four-wheel
drive. By evening, after a bumpy ride to the provincial
capital and an anxious hour waiting for a bed, Rosa Alba
del Socorro, six months, was in intensive care. Her
mother, Gregoria, waited outside, alone. She was just
17, and this was her second time in the city.
She was lucky.
Health care can be a hit or miss affair in the isolated
hamlets of north-eastern Nicaragua, where armed bands
still roam and transport is infrequent and uncertain:
but this community is close enough to Matagalpa, the
provincial capital, to have a regular visit from a
health team. Matagalpa has a well-organised women’s
collective, which manages both the team and a network of
health promoters and midwives in the area. The
collective is supported by the national Centre for
Social Study and Action, which in turn gets support from
the United Nations Population Fund.
Dr. Alba Alvarado
is the project’s national coordinator. She explains to
a group of visitors how it operates, leaning against a
wall out of the hot sun, arms folded, lifting her tired,
humorous eyes from time to time. She is a paediatrician
who took up this work after seeing what happened to
children like Rosa Alba.
And to their
mothers. A third of all births in these villages are to
girls under 19, some of them as young as 12. Nationally,
four out of ten girls have been pregnant by the time
they are out of their teens. Most of them know little or
nothing about their sexuality; early pregnancy and
marriage are what they expect. They may even welcome it:
research by the national university shows that
motherhood offers a poor, uneducated teenage girl
identity and recognition she can acquire in few other
ways.
But she may pay a
high price, especially in these remote hills, far from
modern facilities. Girls of Gregoria’s age are not
ready for pregnancy. They suffer terribly in childbirth,
from convulsions, haemorrhage, obstructed labour and
infection. Mothers under 18 run a risk of death twice as
high as their older sisters.
Young men do not
concern themselves with these matters. Gregoria is not
living with the father of her child, but with her own
parents. If she were married, she might be no better off—marriage
does not automatically come equipped with housing and
employment. Young and old cram themselves into two-room
cinder-block houses or wooden shacks and try to make a
living from raising coffee and bananas and maybe a
couple of cows.
Dr. Alba has seen
many young mothers like Gregoria. By the time she is 30
she may have five or six surviving children from eight
or nine pregnancies. To avoid another she might have
sought an illegal, dangerous abortion. Like three out of
four women in these hills, she will have experienced
occasional or regular beatings from her husband. She
will be old before her time, worn out from the strain of
trying to keep her children clothed, fed and healthy.
Can Gregoria change
her fate? Yes, says Dr. Alba. Yes, say the village
health promoters who are part of the Matagalpa Women’s
Collective network. Yes, says the 75-year-old midwife,
who says she has attended 500 births, and now has the
collective’s training to help her. Gregoria can learn
how to space her pregnancies and look after her and her
children’s health. Maybe the network cannot do much
about the poverty and crowded conditions out of which
violence grows, but workers will reach out to her
husband and try to persuade him to leave his wife alone.
Four out of ten of
her health promoters are men, says Dr. Alba. The
embedded culture of machismo, male power, is
slowly beginning to give way. Nicaragua’s long
struggle for democracy brought a new emphasis on human
rights—including rights for women, who played their
full part in the struggle. Groups like the Matagalpa
collective are using that as a lever to promote women’s
empowerment. One of Dr. Alba’s workers, Antonio
Concepcion, 28, says that if he is tactful he can talk
to men about many things—using condoms to avoid
pregnancy and infection, for example; the idea that
husbands’ rights do not include the right to assault
their wives; even that men should show their sons an
example of responsibility and caring for the family’s
welfare.
The children of
these villages have rights too, including a new
adolescents’ charter that declares their right to
freedom from violence and abuse, and the right to
protect themselves from disease and unwanted pregnancy.
The collective’s activities include vivid pieces of
folk theatre using puppets and dramatic reconstructions
to show how these rights work in practice. Today, the
community house is packed with children, laughing and
shouting along with the action. It may be optimistic to
talk about human rights in these conditions, but it does
not seem fanciful. To the collective, protecting the
rights of women like Gregoria is a real and practical
aim.
At the end of the
show a tide of children comes swirling out of the
community house, ready for the lunch their mothers have
been preparing. The naked eye confirms national
statistics—nearly half the nation is under 15. Perhaps
when they come to be parents themselves they will be
able to rely for health care on something better than
the occasional visiting doctor.
For Gregoria it is
enough for the time being that Rosa Alba will be safe:
after two days the baby is out of intensive care, and
mother and child will soon be able to leave the
hospital. Dr. Alba has given Gregoria money from her own
pocket to take a bus to the end of the rough country
road. There she will wait, until someone gives her a
lift back home.

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